其他作品 (34)

顯示 34 筆結果中的 1–12 筆

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    藏漢衝突何時了? 作者: 王小強

    【1990年夏季】
    因為藏漢衝突的實質是文化衝突,所以一般意義上的民族利益在經濟、政治層面上的調整不能根本解決問題。……
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    對農村人民公社體制改革的幾點看法 作者: 陳一諮, 王小強, 鄧英淘, 何維凌,

    【1982年04期】
    一、农村人民公社体制改革势在必行﹕人民公社是大跃进时期的历史产物。……
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    農民與反封建 作者: 王小強

    【1979年10期 】
    农民在奋不顾身的英勇战斗中,表现出劳动人民不畏强暴的气概,打击了当时的封建统治,谱写出阶级斗争的悲壮诗篇。……
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    工作簡報〈西北來信〉 作者: 王小強

    【1980年9月15日】
    我社《未定稿》編輯室王小強同志和哲學所的陸學藝同志等,八月中旬到陝甘寧農村去搞調查研究。……
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    As country’s opening-up scope expands city needs to change 作者: 周八骏

    As country’s opening-up scope expands city needs to change 2017-11-22
    HKRI Taikoo Hui, an upscale shopping mall jointly developed and owned by Hong Kong-based HKR International and Swire Properties, officially opened for business on Nov 3 in Shanghai. Swire Properties Chief Executive Guy Bradley said at the opening ceremony that his company has a very long history together with Shanghai, as the city was the very first location in China it chose to settle in when it arrived in the country 150 years ago. And he is more than happy that Swire Properties can do business in Shanghai again after 150 years, adding that his company will focus on development in first-tier mainland cities; a subsequent project will also be in Shanghai, partnering with a local developer to build a brand-new international business area complete with commercial, residential and cultural facilities in Pudong New District.

    This piece of news reminded me of the early years of this century, when the Chinese mainland had just joined the World Trade Organization and let some select foreign banks do renminbi business on the mainland. One of those foreign banks is none other than Citibank of the United States, which declared back then that it would revive the days of the 19th century and first half of the 20th century when its branches were all over the mainland.

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    It also reminded me of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC), which opened for business in Shanghai in the early 1860s but remained dormant from 1949 to the early 1980s, when reform and the opening-up drive brought it back into active service for financial needs on the mainland.

    Next year the mainland will celebrate 40 years of reform and opening-up. However, some people in the West have been complaining that the reform and opening-up were aimed at pursuing nationalism as a means to challenge and even exclude Western countries. Thankfully hard facts have over the past 40 years or so proved such complaints groundless. For example, HSBC, Citibank and Swire Properties are all cross-national corporate giants firmly rooted in the West but have been actively involved in the mainland’s reform and opening-up in recent decades, proving the reform and opening-up is not only an affair for the country but also a global phenomenon.

    Communist Party of China General Secretary Xi Jinping reiterated in his report at the 19th National Congress that the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and building a shared future for mankind, are mutually complementary. “Openness brings progress, while self-seclusion leaves one behind. China will not close its door to the world; we will only become more and more open,” he said, adding that “we should pursue the Belt and Road Initiative as a priority, give equal emphasis to ‘bringing in’ and ‘going global’, follow the principle of achieving shared growth through discussion and collaboration, and increase openness and cooperation in building innovation capacity. With these efforts, we hope to make new ground in opening China further through links running eastward and westward, across land and over sea.”

    Hong Kong has always played an important role in the nation’s reform and opening-up drive in the past 40 years or so and that role is far more than a mere intermediary. Because the reform and opening-up drive include “inviting in” and “going abroad”, Hong Kong has been not only bringing foreign investment, technology and management to the mainland from outside but also investing in the mainland since the beginning. The mainland’s real-estate industry and property market are both modeled after Hong Kong’s and set up with a lot of help from Hong Kong, as are the securities exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen.

    Since the beginning of this century most, if not all, mainland enterprises that have “gone abroad” did so through Hong Kong; many of those that have gone further are now based in Hong Kong. That is why Xi said at the ceremony marking the 20th anniversary of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and inauguration of the Fifth-Term HKSAR Government on July 1 that: “The central government supports Hong Kong to make full use of its strengths and expertise in advancing national strategic development plans such as the Belt and Road Initiative, building the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area and internationalization of the yuan.”

    It should be noted that Hong Kong is an international center of finance, trade and shipping linked mostly to Western economies today. In this characteristic it played a role of intermediary and trailblazer at the same time when the mainland was opening mainly to the West. With the start of the Belt and Road Initiative, however, the opening-up has entered a new era. From now until the middle of this century the nation will gradually open its doors wider not just to Western but other economies around the world as well. The intermediary and trailblazer role Hong Kong has played so far needs to change a little. The city’s entrepreneurs and professionals should familiarize themselves with “non-Western” economies to join forces with mainland companies in “exploring overseas markets” beyond major Western developed economies.

    (The author is a senior research fellow of China Everbright Holdings)
    (Published on Page 8, China Daily Hong Kong Edition, November 22, 2017)

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    打造人类命运共同体的新倡议 作者: 周八骏

    打造人类命运共同体的新倡议 2017-11-17
    11月1日,习近平主席在会见俄罗斯总理梅德韦杰夫时表示,中俄两国要做好“一带一路”建设同欧亚经济联盟对接,努力推动滨海国际运输走廊等项目落地,共同开展北极航道开发和利用合作,打造“冰上丝绸之路”。
    国际社会敏锐地关注习近平又提出一个新倡议——打造“冰上丝绸之路”。2013年在中共十八大后一年,习近平提出“一带一路”——“丝绸之路经济带”和“21世纪海上丝绸之路”倡议。2017年11月在中共十九大后一周,习近平又为“一带一路”的“一路”增添了新内容。
    这一新倡议至少具有双重涵义。第一,她反映从现在至本世纪中叶,中国的战略部署是一以贯之的。尽管中共十九大把建成社会主义现代化强国的目标置于从2035年至2050年的15年间,但是,从现在起所有的努力都是在为那一宏伟目标奠定基础。中国走近世界舞台中央不是一朝一夕的事情,从现在起就要有一系列的步骤。在这样的意义上,中国把目光投向北极,展现了作为一个崛起中的大国应有的全球视野。
    第二,打造人类命运共同体,世界上任何一个国家都有资格参与,也应当包括“地球村”的每个“村民”,中国提倡和致力于推动人类命运共同体建设,理应包括地球上所有的大洲和大洋。

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    “走近世界舞台中央”而不是“站到世界舞台中央”,“实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦”同“打造人类命运共同体”相辅相成,这就是中国贡献人类的解决当代世界问题的“中国方案”的精髓。
    按传统西方观念和思维,21世纪全球金融经济政治格局空前全面深刻调整,必定是大国地位更替,例如,19世纪是英国世纪,为20世纪是美国世纪所取代。如果21世纪重复以往两个世纪的全球格局调整,那么,“修斯底德陷阱”就会成真。
    中国致力于同美国建设合作共赢的21世纪新型大国关系。中国只愿意走近世界舞台中央,而永不称霸。中国愿意同世界上所有国家构建“政策沟通、设施联通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通”的互利共赢关系。这一切,体现于“一带一路”倡议及其最新包括“冰上丝绸之路”倡议的加强版。
    习近平在十九大的报告中,既指出中国“倡导构建人类命运共同体,促进全球治理体系变革”;也指出“坚持推动构建人类命运共同体。中国人民的梦想同各国人民的梦想息息相通,实现中国梦离不开和平的国际环境和稳定的国际秩序。必须统筹国内国际两个大局,始终不渝走和平发展道路、奉行互利共赢的开放战略,坚持正确义利观,树立共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观,谋求开放创新、包容互惠的发展前景,促进和而不同、兼收并蓄的文明交流,构筑尊崇自然、绿色发展的生态体系,始终做世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者。”
    既“促进全球治理体系变革”,又“始终做世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者”,反映了中国对于全球金融经济政治格局空前全面深刻调整的基本立场和态度。
    中国追求和推动全球治理体系变革,这是顺应当代历史大趋势的应有之义。21世纪不应是、也不会再是美国世纪。21世纪应当是人类命运共同体的新纪元。同时,中国尊重和维护联合国宪章所体现的国际秩序准则,致力于让联合国宪章精神在人类命运共同体中得以充分展现。
    对于当前正在不断深化的全球金融经济政治格局空前全面深刻调整,国际社会大体有3类立场和态度:一类是竭力维护,再一类是追求具颠覆性的激变,第三类是稳中求变。
    关于“竭力维护”,又有两种不同做法。一种是不接受任何修正或改良,在西方笃信自由主义的公共知识分子和过气政客中不乏这一种主张。末代港督彭定康在评论香港特别行政区事务上,也属于这一类不识事务的顽固派。还有一种是在具体问题的处理上,从以往的“一个极端”跳到眼下的“另一个极端”,但是,骨子里仍旧是坚持“单边主义”、企图保持既有国际秩序的核心元素即“美国第一”,最具代表性的便是美国现任总统特朗普。
    关于颠覆性激变的呼声,出现在一些长期深受超级大国欺侮的发展中国家以及在地缘政治上长期受美国压制的若干国家。这一类观点的形成,是可以理解的,但是,提出这一类观点者,忽略了在20世纪最后30年全球化急剧拓展的条件下,“覆巢之下岂有完卵”的道理。
    中国是稳中求变的代表。习近平在十九大报告中说:“当前,国内外形势正在发生深刻复杂变化,我国发展仍处于重要战略机遇期,前景十分光明,挑战也十分严峻。”既是对于从现在到本世纪中叶全球格局变化的客观清醒的判断,也是对于从现在到本世纪中叶全球格局变化的切实可行的预期。香港社会各界需要认真思考、努力领会。

    (《大公报》2017年11月17日A14“评论”发表)

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    提升下一代正能量 作者: 周八骏

    提升下一代正能量 2017-11-16
    11月4日,在立法会儿童权利小组委员会有关贫穷儿童人权的公听会上,年仅5岁、就读幼儿园高班、“多元活动要发展”成员何承熹,头戴工程帽,向与会者谈“我的志愿”——希望长大后成为一名工程师,可以建一栋20层大楼,让爸爸妈妈一起住。他手持一栋色彩缤纷、利用积木堆成的玩具大楼,以稚嫩的声音解释每层楼所居住的家人。何承熹称,目前他与父母同住在150呎的房间,“妈妈同我训床头,爸爸训床尾”,他想成为工程师的动机很单纯——“我宜家屋企无钱,间屋好细,我想起一层二十层的楼,俾我妈咪、嗲啲一齐住。”
    读这则新闻,我相信,很多成年人会同我一样既感欣慰也觉心酸。心酸的是“何承熹们”的居住状况,不利于儿童健康成长。欣慰的是身处艰苦生活环境何承熹萌生发愤改变的志向。
    这则新闻,印证新任行政长官在其第一份施政报告中提议成立儿童事务委员会是及时和必要的,政府和社会各界应当加大给予弱势家庭儿童的支援力度。
    这则新闻,还启迪政府和社会各界,需要在下一代中,从儿童开始,提升他们的正能量。

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    增加给予弱势家庭儿童的物质支援,尽可能减弱他们幼小心灵对于社会不平等的负面烙印,固然非常需要;同时需要的是引导弱势家庭儿童从他们懂事起就树立发愤努力、积极向上的志向。
    一方面,以中国人为主体的香港家庭,普遍存在着溺爱下一代、尤其儿童的现象,加之其他因素,相当一部分儿童少年缺乏顽强刻苦的品质。另一方面,香港经济和社会结构呈现恶劣的“瓶颈”——社会向上流动性呆滞。两方面相结合,造成不少儿童少年在谈“我的志愿”时缺乏何承熹的志气。
    成年人都明白,何承熹小朋友欲成为工程师亲手建一栋为其家人提供优越居所的大楼,是一个何等不易实现的志愿。因此,他的志愿令人感动和赞叹,弥足珍贵、值得爱惜,需要提倡。
    香港处于十分关键的转折关头。现届政府已然明确表示将推动经济转型,以完善和提升本地产业结构、培育新产业同时拓展与内地经济融合,来提高社会向上流动性,为下一代创造更大发展空间。政府和社会各界还应当考虑,如何引导下一代树立奋发有为的志向?
    有一种观点:香港崇尚言论和思想自由,政府不宜宣扬倾向性意见。在反对派中,更是不乏视政府提倡某种观点即为“洗脑”的偏见。
    其实,社会风尚关乎一个国家或地区的前途,负责任政府必须重视。引导和推动社会充实正能量,同引导和推动本国或本地经济发展一样,都是政府职能。
    提升下一代正能量,需要适当宣传类似何承熹小朋友的正面形象,当然,不能造成有关对象过重的心理压力,特别是媒体不能带给有关对象以他们难以承受的精神和精力的负担。适切的方式,是提倡幼稚园和小学在小朋友和同学中间发现身边的“何承熹”。
    涓涓细流,汇成大河;大河奔流,涌入大海。如果我们的下一代,有相当一部分从小树立奋发有为的志向,对个人和家庭的美好生活抱持强烈鲜明的憧憬,那么,香港必定源源不断地充实丰厚的正能量。
    提升下一代的正能量,还必须从小培养他们的国家意识和爱国精神。也是在11月4日,全国人大常委会决定把《国歌法》列入香港和澳门两个特别行政区基本法附件三,特区政府表示将尽快在香港本地完成相应立法程序。
    反对派政治团体和人士不会反对宣扬“何承熹现象”,但是,他们对《国歌法》在香港实施,或者反对,或者提出疑问,或者欲加拖延。这就提出来一个问题:下一代奋发有为能否脱离国家?
    答案是:“否”。因为香港特别行政区的前途和命运完全系于国家,因此,以香港为家的所有香港居民,包括下一代,都必须在香港和国家的共同发展中争取个人和家庭的发展利益。
    十九大描绘了国家从现在到本世纪中叶的宏伟蓝图,给香港以空前发展机遇,也给香港以空前挑战和考验。提升下一代正能量,必须结合克服挑战、抓住机遇。

    (《香港商报》2017年11月16日A5“香江评论”发表)

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    Trump’s China trip will affect SAR profoundly 作者: 周八骏

    Trump’s China trip will affect SAR profoundly 2017-11-16
    United States President Donald Trump paid his very first visit to China last week. The Chinese government gave him the grandest reception ever — described as “state visit-plus”.

    During his stay in China, Trump, in multiple tweets, expressed gratitude and goodwill toward the host country. The two sides signed bilateral trade and investment deals worth more than $250 billion; while China also announced new measures to further open up financial markets to foreign businesses. All these developments signify China and the US have reached a new phase in updating their major-power relations in the 21st century.

    The global distribution of power and the pattern of international relations are undergoing unprecedented and profound readjustments — as the global politico-economic center of gravity continues to shift from West to East. Naturally, Sino-US ties have been the focal point of this epic process. In his first year as president, Trump has already made his country withdraw from the Paris Agreement on climate change and Trans-Pacific Partnership, in the name of “America First”.

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    Many experts on international affairs expressed concern that Trump’s unilateral approach to globalization and multilateral efforts in international relations would put US-China relations on a rocky and precarious path. However, most of them breathed a collective sigh of relief after Trump hosted President Xi Jinping at his luxury property Mar-a-Lago in Palm Beach, Florida in April, and then Xi held a state reception for Trump in the Forbidden City in the heart of Beijing last week. Clearly Trump is taking a rational approach to US-China relations.

    China’s peaceful rise is a perfect fit with times when no single country or political force — no matter how powerful — can change the course of history.

    Coinciding with Trump’s China visit, the cover story of Time magazine in its Nov 13 edition had the title “China won” together with the Chinese words “Zhong Guo Ying Le”. It is the first time the magazine used two languages on its cover. Inside that edition, author Ian Bremmer wrote an article: “How China’s Economy Won the Future”. It argues that China has become the most dynamic economy in the world while the US has been relegated to second place.

    Just two days earlier, on Nov 11, celebrated German current affairs weekly Der Spiegel sported a red cover with the bright golden title of “Xing lai” (Awaken) in Pinyin. A 6,000-word article said China possesses a system the West cannot match: A solid long-term plan provides effective guidance for domestic affairs, with the determination to carry it out; and enough flexibility to intervene in international affairs. After three alarming questions asking whether China will completely turn the current world order on its head, the article says the new China that is rising is different from any superpower we have seen so far. It has avoided an ideological confrontation in favor of quiet but effective buildup of its strengths.

    The progress China has made in forging a new model of major-power relations with the US will have a significant effect on Hong Kong in many ways.

    Firstly, economically speaking, there will be an increase of bilateral trade and the Chinese mainland plans to further open domestic financial markets to foreign businesses. Hong Kong must adjust its financial industry and foreign trade development strategies accordingly. Since the mainland joined the World Trade Organization as a full member, exports through Hong Kong have fallen gradually. China and the US inked $250 billion worth of bilateral trade and investment deals during Trump’s visit which do not involve Hong Kong; the city must step up efforts to bring its own innovation and technology industries up to par with the best in the world. This would boost direct exports of made-in-Hong Kong products and spare parts. The mainland will gradually ease limits on stakes foreign businesses can have in financial firms over the next three to five years — until all limits are gone. This is designed to make domestic financial companies strong on the global market and to become bona fide international players. Hong Kong needs to respond by expanding its own financial markets.

    Secondly, when it comes to politics, Hong Kong society should encourage the moderate faction of the opposition camp to abandon radicalism. It should form a “constructive opposition camp” of its own. The “pan-democrats” may have enjoyed moral and financial support from some Western countries since the 1980s but the latter now have their hands full with their own domestic affairs. None of these Western governments support the “pro-independence” faction in Hong Kong, despite separatists receiving assistance from overseas. Given China’s rising status and national strength, its influence in the world will only grow from here on. The general trend of the times is such that no one can survive by going against it. That is why Hong Kong society should encourage open-minded members of the opposition camp to abandon their outdated “anti-central government and anti-communist” prejudices.

    During Trump’s visit in Beijing, Xi said the “Pacific Ocean is big enough for China and the US” to coexist peacefully. Many business and professional elites in Hong Kong have overseas connections. They should help enhance friendly relations between China and other countries. To thrive in the new era, Hong Kong needs to change its traditional position in the global economy — from relying mainly on Western markets led by the US and the United Kingdom to completely relying on the motherland by integrating its own development into the country’s overall development while keeping its door open to the rest of the world — as always.

    (The author is a senior research fellow of China Everbright Holdings)
    (Published on Page 8, China Daily Hong Kong Edition, November 16, 2017)

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    香港须关切在国家发展中的位置 作者: 周八骏

    香港须关切在国家发展中的位置 2017-11-9
    习近平总书记在十九大报告中关于中国区域经济说了下列几段话。
    第一段话是在报告的第一部分“过去五年的工作和历史性变革”,习近平说:“区域发展协调性增强,‘一带一路’建设、京津冀协同发展、长江经济带发展成效显著。”
    第二段话是在报告的第五部分“贯彻新发展理念,建设现代化经济体系”。习近平说:“实施区域协调发展战略。加大力度支持革命老区、民族地区、边疆地区、贫困地区加快发展,强化举措推进西部大开发形成新格局,深化改革加快东北等老工业基地振兴,发挥优势推动中部地区崛起,创新引领率先实现东部地区优化发展,建立更加有效的区域协调发展新机制。以城市群为主体构建大中小城市和小城镇协调发展的城镇格局,加快农业转移人口市民化。以疏解北京非首都功能为‘牛鼻子’推动京津冀协同发展,高起点规划、高标准建设雄安新区。以共抓大保护、不搞大开发为导向推动长江经济带发展。支持资源型地区经济转型发展。加快边疆发展,确保边疆巩固、边境安全。坚持陆海统筹,加快建设海洋强国。”
    第三段话是在报告的第十一部分“坚持‘一国两制’,推进祖国统一”,习近平说:“香港、澳门发展同内地发展紧密相连。要支持香港、澳门融入国家发展大局,以粤港澳大湾区建设、粤港澳合作、泛珠三角区域合作等为重点,全面推进内地同香港、澳门互利合作,制定完善便利香港、澳门居民在内地发展的政策措施。”

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    这三段话体现三点:第一,中央严格执行“一国两制”。前两段话都是关于内地经济发展,“京津冀协同发展”和“长江经济带发展”所在区域都属于内地。“粤港澳大湾区建设、粤港澳合作、泛珠三角区域合作”涉及内地与香港、澳门两个特别行政区。
    第二,习近平在总结过去五年的工作和历史性变革时,肯定“京津冀协同发展”和“长江经济带发展”成效显著。在这一部分,习近平肯定“港澳台工作取得新进展”,提及“深化内地和港澳地区交流合作”,但是,没有提这样的交流合作已上升至“区域一体化”程度。“粤港澳大湾区建设、粤港澳合作、泛珠三角区域合作”是作为未来5年乃至更长时间“一国两制”与时俱进的重大使命而被提出来的。值得香港社会各界深思的是,尽管“粤港澳大湾区建设”是今年3月才被总理政府工作报告提上中央议程,但是,“粤港澳合作”和“泛珠三角区域合作”已谈论多年。
    于是,香港居民应当从以上三段话中领会的最重要的一点启示,是我们必须思考一个严肃问题——5年后,当习近平总书记在中共二十大上发表报告时,能否把“粤港澳大湾区建设、粤港澳合作、泛珠三角区域合作成效显著”作为未来5年贯彻“一国两制”的重要成就?
    回顾历史,国家发展神速,香港在国家发展中的位置经历深刻变化。
    1979年12月5日,邓小平会见时任日本首相大平正芳时第一次提出“小康”概念——“所谓小康社会,就是虽不富裕,但日子好过。”那时,香港整体经济水平远高于内地。
    1987年4月30日,邓小平在会见西班牙工人社会党副总书记、政府副首相格拉时指出:“我们原定的目标是,第一步在80年代翻一番。以1980年为基数,当时国民生产总值人均只有250美元,翻一番,达到500美元。第二步是到本世纪末,再翻一番,人均达到1000美元。实现这个目标意味着我们进入小康社会,把贫困的中国变成小康的中国。那时国民生产总值超过一万亿美元,虽然人均数还很低,但是国家的力量有很大增加。我们制定的目标更重要的还是第三步,在下世纪用30年到50年再翻两番,大体上达到人均4000美元。做到这一步,中国就达到中等发达的水平。这是我们的雄心壮志。目标不高,但做起来可不容易。” 那时,香港是内地改革开放不可或缺的一个引擎,是内地与西方世界联系的唯一桥梁。
    展望未来,到2035年,国家将提前15年实现邓小平在1987年提出的“第三步”目标;到本世纪中叶,中国人民将实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。香港必须思考在国家不断发展的进程中自己将处于怎样的位置?是继续保持领先?抑或被上海甚至深圳超越?
    香港必须有紧迫感。10月25日,美国财经媒体CNBC网站报道,世界旅游和旅行者协会于近日发布了“城市旅游及影响”报告称,全球十大增长最快的旅游城市都在亚洲,分别是——中国的重庆、广州、上海、北京、成都、菲律宾马尼拉、印度德里、中国深圳、马来西亚吉隆坡、印度尼西亚雅加达,中国占了6个,而且包揽前五名;上海旅游业的GDP以302亿美元独占鳌头。世界旅游和旅行者协会预测,未来10年,亚洲城市、尤其中国城市将是旅游业发展前沿阵地。香港旅游业的警钟应唤醒香港。

    (《大公报》2017年11月9日A12“评论”发表时把标题改为《港须关切在国家发展中的位置》)

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    香港金融中心迎接新时代 作者: 周八骏

    香港金融中心迎接新时代 2017-11-9
    2017年10月27日,香港联合交易所交易大堂结束最后一天交易活动,为其31年的历史画上句号。31年前,1986年,香港联合交易所由原先4家证券交易所合并而成立,其新建交易大堂为当时全球主要证券交易所中规模最大、设施最先进。曾几何时,随着证券交易通过互联网进行而各家证券公司的出市代表急剧减少,香港联交所的交易大堂变得“大而无当”,必须转变功能。香港交易所决定将其重新改装为多用途的“香港金融大会堂”,举办展览、会议和仪式,推广香港金融市场。这件事,对于香港国际金融中心迈入新时代具标志性意义。
    全球金融市场是率先为现代信息和通讯技术武装起来的。其中,全球外汇市场和黄金市场又走在最前面。早在上世纪80年代,路透社开发的全球外汇市场和黄金市场的报价和交易系统,就把遍布欧美亚的各主要金融中心联接起来,形成全球单一外汇市场和黄金市场。由于证券具有国家或地区的特征,不同于国际货币和黄金具有普遍适用性,所以,全球各主要证券交易所虽已联通,却难以打成一片。另一方面,在国家或地区层面,证券交易网络化无纸化已蔚然成风。香港联交所交易大堂改变用途,是体现这一风气的应有之举。

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    但是,这只是香港国际金融中心在技术层面的进步。香港国际金融中心迈入新时代,不只是在技术层面更普及现代信息和通讯技术,而是在其市场的深度和广度上得到更上层楼的拓展。
    就在香港联交所交易大堂最后一天运作的前一天,10月26日,国家财政部在香港特别行政区发行20亿美元主权债券,包括5年期10亿美元和10年期10亿美元。
    值得注意的是,这是在没有做第三方评级的情况下发行的,却获得约220亿美元的认购,亦即多于计划发行金额10倍。5年期收益率为2.196%(票面利率为2.125%),10年期收益率为2.687%(票面利率为2.625%),两种期限债券票面利率,均低于预期。
    这次发行距今年9月标准普尔下调中国主权信用评级仅一个月,国家财政部撇开全球三大评级机构,让金融市场自行评估中国的主权信用,展现了中国政府的自信。投资者对中国政府发行美元债券“趋之若鹜”,反映投资者对中国经济的信心,不受所谓国际权威评级机构影响。
    中国政府不缺外汇。正如国家财政部发言人所说,本次发行主权外币债券,融资并非首要考虑;相隔23年,中国政府再次面向国际投资者发行主权外币债券,是站在新的历史起点上推进金融业对外开放的重要举措。中央选择香港证券市场发行美元国债,诚如行政长官林郑月娥所说,是体现中央对香港国际金融中心的支持,有利于香港金融市场拓展深度和广度。
    20亿美元国债发行和香港联交所交易大堂关闭,紧随中共十九大召开,外界不清楚是否属于巧合。但是,中共十九大正式宣告中国特色社会主义进入了一个新时代,无论内地金融业改革外放还是香港国际金融中心发展,都将受中国特色社会主义新时代影响,都应当投身中国特色社会主义新时代,则是确定的。而且,对于香港金融市场来说,必须主动积极配合内地金融业进一步改革开放,必须主动积极为内地实体经济服务,唯此,才能不断巩固和提高香港国际金融中心地位。
    从2003年以来,香港证券市场已完全依赖内地企业上市。然而,全球各主要证券市场都在争取内地企业上市。10月22日,香港媒体披露,今年首三季美国证券市场有111宗新股上市,集资达265亿美元,比去年同期劲升89%;仅第三季度集资35亿美元,包括阿里巴巴投资的物流服务供货商百世集团。同期香港证券市场新股上市集资额为110亿美元,明显落后美国。美国新股上市大幅超越香港的因素之一,是内地企业到美国上市。据彭博统计,自今年5月起中国企业加速赴美上市,至今累计集资规模超过20亿美元,是去年同期20倍。面对愈益强烈的外部竞争,香港证券市场亟需制度创新,努力保持与内地“近水楼台”的优势。

    (《香港商报》2017年11月9日A3“香江评论”发表时把标题改为《港金融中心迎接新时代》)

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    Overall jurisdiction serves core policy 作者: 周八骏

    Overall jurisdiction serves core policy 2017-11-8
    General Secretary Xi Jinping said in his report to the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China that the “one country, two systems” principle must be fully and accurately carried out by firmly maintaining the right to exercise overall jurisdiction over the two special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macao vested in the Central People’s Government by the nation’s Constitution and the Basic Laws of the SARs, and integrating it organically with the SARs’ high degree of autonomy. This is to ensure the “one country, two systems” principle will never change or waver and exercise of “one country, two systems” will never go astray or lose its form.

    In that part of the report the fact that the central government holds the right to maintain overall jurisdiction over the two SARs was previously mentioned in a white paper — “The Practice of the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ Policy in the HKSAR” — issued by the State Council in June 2014; while the part about maintaining the central government’s right of overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong and Macao and the latter two’s high degree of autonomy simultaneously and organically was made public for the first time.

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    Not surprisingly the opposition camp in Hong Kong cried foul and accused central authorities of revising “one country, two systems”; while some local residents expressed fear that the central government’s overall jurisdiction would “squeeze” Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy.

    The opposition camp is controlled by its anti-communism and anti-central-government standing, to the point it opposes central authorities no matter what. As for those Hong Kong residents worried about the SAR’s high degree of autonomy, their fear is caused by misunderstanding of the Basic Law and can be wiped away with proper reasoning.

    First of all, the founding of the HKSAR and its high degree of autonomy are derived from the country’s sovereignty and authorized by the nation’s Constitution. The HKSAR’s high degree of autonomy is not given by a foreign entity or independent from the central government’s overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong but rather under the central government’s overall jurisdiction.

    It is a basic overall relationship. This relation between the giver and receiver of autonomy already demonstrates the central authorities’ overall jurisdiction over the HKSAR and the latter’s high degree of autonomy are “organically linked together”. Xi’s report might have been the first opportunity for the relationship to appear in the public eye this way but it has always existed in the Basic Law along with the “one country, two systems” principle.

    That is why the relationship between the central government and HKSAR, as dictated by the Basic Law, can only be “organically linked”. For example, the Basic Law stipulates the central government handles all foreign relations and national defense matters concerning the HKSAR by default but the SAR government can handle certain foreign relations and national defense matters with specific authorization by the central government.

    The Basic Law also stipulates the HKSAR’s high degree of autonomy covers the economy, people’s livelihood and education as well as the SAR government’s daily operations but that does not mean the central government cannot concern itself with such matters.

    For starters, matters concerning the bearing of Hong Kong’s economic development, social stability-related policies and measures taken by the SAR government are no doubt within the SAR government’s jurisdiction as authorized by the Constitution and the Basic Law but the central government simply cannot ignore such matters. The primary command of “one country, two systems” is to protect the nation’s sovereignty, security, development interests and Hong Kong’s long-term prosperity and stability. As foreign relations and national defense matters concerning the HKSAR are of vital importance to the sovereignty, security and development interests of the nation, it is a matter of course for central authorities to handle them directly. For the same reason the central government must keep a close eye on Hong Kong’s constitutional development at all times, lest it goes astray. Does anyone believe the central government should have done nothing to help Hong Kong when its economy was in dire crises over the years but has never said it out loud? No, because no one is that stupid.

    The truth about “one country, two systems” is that the central government maintaining overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong will not weaken the SAR’s high degree of autonomy or its wish to exercise it to the full. On the contrary, the central government is always there to support the SAR government and make sure the latter’s lawful administration stays on the right track and is free of major mistakes.

    (The author is a senior research fellow of China Everbright Holdings)
    (Published on Page 8, China Daily Hong Kong Edition, November 8, 2017)

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    香港实现良治的正确途径 作者: 周八骏

    香港实现良治的正确途径 2017-11-2
    习近平总书记在中共十九大报告中提出:“要支持特别行政区政府和行政长官依法施政、积极作为”。这是一个新表述。
    之前,中央领导人一直是称“支持行政长官和特别行政区政府依法施政”,新表述增加了“积极作为”。增加这一点,既具有重要理论意义,也具有重要实践意义。
    在理论上,“依法施政”是对现代国家或地区任何一个政府管治能力的基本要求,也可以说是基本前提,一个政府如果不守法、不依法,就无从谈论治理能力。但是,政府不能满足或停留“依法施政”,而是必须敢于担当勇于作为,克服困难,带领本国或本地区公民(居民)发展经济、改善民生、推动社会进步。
    在实践上,香港特别行政区前4届政府都做到了“依法施政”,但是,在“积极作为”上,某位行政长官甚有亏欠。
    毋须讳言,“依法施政”既可以同“积极作为”相配合,也可以成为“不作为”的挡箭牌。某位行政长官跨越两届政府任期却不作为而导致香港经济社会深层次结构性问题积重难返,就是以“依法施政”为幌子。关于这一点,人们从自己身边容易找到类似的案例。譬如,在同一家公司里,所有员工都“依法就业”,却一定有工作积极、不够积极甚至懈怠之分。

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    习近平总书记对特区第五届政府以及嗣后历届政府提出“依法施政、积极作为”的要求,是全面总结香港特别行政区20年管治和施政经验,是反映现代治理体系和治理能力的基本要求,是对“一国两制”理论和实践的重要创新。
    今天,香港面对堆积如山的经济民生政治及其他社会领域错综复杂十分不容易解决的问题,固然不能简单归咎某位行政长官。但是,新一任行政长官及其管治班子必须格外地积极作为则是无疑的。香港不仅处于承前启后、继往开来的转折关头,而且面临不前进则后退的转折关头。香港如同在汪洋大海上遭遇狂风暴雨打击的船舶,需要其舵手和水手发挥最大的创意和使出最大的能力。
    把“依法施政”和“积极作为”相结合,要求观念革新。
    第一,要确立“中央对香港特别行政区全面管治权和特区高度自治权有机结合”的新观念。
    10月23日,国家教育部长陈宝生在接受香港电台访问时表示,“港独”思潮出现与教育有关,特区政府有责任推动国民教育。如果特区政府需要协助,教育部“有求必应,有问必答,有事必帮”。
    香港的“拒中抗共”政治势力立即表示不同意陈部长的意见,这容易理解。需要注意的,是本港有媒体在报道反对派的观点时,特地引述了《基本法》第一百三十六条第一款“香港特别行政区政府在原有教育制度的基础上,自行制定有关教育的发展和改进的政策,包括教育体制和管理、教学语言、经费分配、考试制度、学位制度和承认学历等政策。”弦外之音,不言自明。
    其实,陈宝生部长在回答香港电台记者关于香港特别行政区是否需要跟随内地爱国教育课程时明确表示,这由特区政府决定。陈宝生部长是原则性地提出来,香港推行国民教育应当包括中华民族5000年历史、中共建国史,让学生认同自己是中国人,增加民族自豪感。他关于教师是推动国教的关键的观点,只是说明事实。他要求教师先爱国家、认同国家,要求特区政府先帮助教师、团体认识国情,是中央主管国家教育事宜的部门首长之职责所在。试问:如果中央人民政府主管教育的部长不能够就香港国民教育这一关系特区与中央关系的重大涉宪制事宜发表原则性意见,则何来中央全面管治权与特区高度自治权有机结合?
    其次,却决非次要的是,要确立“依法”首先是“依照国家宪法和特区基本法”的新观念。
    多年来,香港社会存在着一种错误倾向——因为香港司法独立,而置国家宪法于不顾,认为所谓“法治”是指严格遵循香港本地法律。
    举一个实例。2010年上半年,激进反对派发动“5区总辞 变相公投”。中央主要领导人明确指示,香港特别行政区基本法没有规定“公投”制度。香港特别行政区是中华人民共和国一个地方行政区域,无权创制“公投”制度。在香港特别行政区进行所谓“公投”没有宪制性法律依据,没有法律效力。香港特别行政区基本法和全国人大常委会所作有关决定,已对香港特别行政区政治体制的未来发展,包括行政长官和立法会实行普选所必须遵循的原则和程序作出明确规定。在香港特别行政区以任何形式对未来政制发展问题进行所谓“公投”,与香港特别行政区的法律地位不符,是根本违背香港特别行政区基本法和全国人大常委会有关决定。但是,在香港,有人无视中央主要领导人依据国家宪法和特区基本法所做明确指示,竟然以香港本地关于立法会的法律允许为借口,放任激进反对派玩“变相公投”把戏。

    (《大公报》2017年11月2日A12“评论”发表)